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Monday, June 04, 2018

波士頓悼念六四29週年 (圖片)




















六四悼念會序言
天安門屠殺二十九週

今天是2018年六月三日,二十九年前的今天,中共鎮壓民主運動。今年也是「零八憲章」發表和簽署的十週年。有人認為這兩件歷史事件,只不過是中國歷史中的小風波,早應遺忘。但反思一百二十年前的百日維新,短暫而且失敗,却在國人心內記憶猶新,為什麼呢?

戊戌年的百日維新,由1894年甲午戰爭的挫敗引發。變法尚未有成,光緒已被困禁,維新派失勢,六君子死難。當權者的殺戮郤令老百姓醒覺 -  極權與人民,不會妥協,只有對抗; 最終興中會起,推翻滿清,建立民國。

戊戌變法,給予國人的啟發、思考,至今仍在。像譚嗣同那樣的烈士,願為改革而犧牲。他們的歷史,永為典範。

二十九年前,中國人民像先烈一樣,看到國家的弊病,希望喚醒專制政府糾正自身,但歴史又一次重覆,支持學生的趙紫陽下台,至死軟禁達十六年,1989年的民主運動在六月四日的屠殺中被壓倒。群眾再一次醒覺到,一個只顧慮着如何統治人民的政黨,是無可救葯的。

八九民運雖然失敗,但迫使中國政府持續經濟改革,實現社會寛鬆。不過中共始終抗拒真正的政治改革,繼續迫害異見人士。

十九年過去,三百零三名中國知識分子於2008年12月10日簽署並發表了「零八憲章」。他們認識到中國社會矛盾一直在加劇,官民之間的對立也不斷升高,他們想改善局勢,呼籲包括結束一黨制在內的十九條主張。但就像滿清王朝一樣,共產黨政府通過禁固和騷擾來打壓簽署人,並禁止媒體報導此事,至今猶在。

過去一個世紀,中國士大夫的徒勞,充分說明了改革派的一個重大盲點。自強運動,開放改革......這些努力只局限在提升科技和發展經濟的領域,而沒有堅定標榜要中國走向真正機構制度和意識形態現代化的氣魄。世紀前的「中學為體,西學為用」,似乎沒有挖出封建士人的瘡疤。然而,作為他們核心的末代清帝還是在1911年,付出了退位的代價。本世紀,「中國特色的社會主義」,也許聽來悦耳、陶醉國人。然而,歷史將會證明,1989年天安門屠殺前後,只顧维穩、經濟掛帥的狹隘方針,不會使中國進步成為和諧大國,更無從實現 「中國夢」。

加入世界貿易組織以來,中國已得到不少經濟和科技收益。世界各國本來祈望中國成為良好夥伴的願景,越來越渺茫。各國耐心減弱,審查隨著加強,緊張局勢終會升級,進而影響穩定。互相信任,才有良性競爭,全球貿易和文化交流才會繼續成長。實施「零八憲章」所列的十九項改革,不失為建立互信,實現和諧社會的開端。

打壓「零八憲章」,中共已經向世人表明,它不再假裝接受中國憲法的制約,無視中國人民經歷文革痛苦以後通過的憲法。2009年12月25日,劉曉波教授被判處11年徒刑。在押期間,獲頒2010年諾貝爾和平獎。劉教授在去年7月13日去世,遺孀劉霞仍被軟禁家中。繼納粹1935年逆行以來,劉教授是諾貝爾獎歷史上第二位從獲獎至辭世,始終未能得到人身自由的諾貝爾獎得主。劉教授為中國人的尊嚴奮鬥而犧牲,我們將永遠紀念他。

有些人認為歷史是由勝利者撰寫的,以為威權政府可以憑藉強權,控制教育,利用宣傳和傳播媒體,來粉飾和改寫過去。但技術不斷進步,在這時代,這種情況已經不再存在。信息技術革命讓人們比以往更快、更豐富地分享他們的觀察和意見,一旦一個想法被記錄下來,它就可以被無限期地存儲和檢索。不尊重歷史,就不會纠正錯誤。因此,我們不但要求所有民主政府為他們的行動負責,更要為行動的真相和記錄的保存負責。

歷史真相永存。這是我們的信念。自二十九年前本會成立以來,這一直是我們的信念。我們將繼續維護人權、推動民主,譴責北京政府六四屠城、譴責中國共產黨近百年的罪行與暴行。

世界各地人民良知不朽。人民不會忘記。天安門的理想也會長存。

Our Statement
29th Anniversary of the June 4 Massacre
 
This year marks the 29th anniversary of the 1989 pro-democracy movement in China.  It is also the 10th anniversary of the Charter 08.  Some may be of the opinion that these two events are nothing but to-be-forgotten ripples in the great march of Chinese history.  Yet they may be mistaken, for, even after 120 years, the failed WuXu Hundred Days' Reform remains vivid in the collective Chinese consciousness. Why?
 
Defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894 triggered the Hundred Days' Reform.  The short-lived reform might have achieved little concrete, as it was squelched by the Coup of 1898.  However, the crackdown ultimately shattered the delusion that a totalitarian government would listen to its people.  There could be no compromise.  Revolution was the only path to a better China.  The Manchurian dynasty became history.
 
Until this day, the Reform has inspired the Chinese.  Martyrs including Tan Sitong and his comrades chose to pay for a better country with their lives.  They are models to follow.
 
Twenty-nine years ago, just like the martyrs before them, some Chinese saw the country going down the wrong path.  They thought they could wake up an authoritarian government to do the right thing.  Like the old Reform, the 1989 pro-democracy movement was cracked down in a massacre on June 4th.  When the Communist party demonstrated their top priority was an unchallenged reign over the people, their dream to rescue the party from self-destruction was shattered.
 
Despite the continuing economic reform, the one-party government never stopped its suppression of dissidents.
 
Nineteen years later, 303 law-abiding Chinese intellectuals signed and published Charter 08 on December 10, 2008.  Signatories of the Charter recognized that social conflicts had escalated, and animosity between the Party and the People had sharpened in their homeland.  They wanted change.  Charter 08 called for 19 changes, including an end to one-party rule.  The Chinese government responded by harassing and jailing the signatories and forbidding media coverage.  The restrictions are still in effect today.
 
Futile attempts by Chinese intelligentsia in the last century have amply illustrated a significant blind spot among the reformists.  Self-Strengthening Movement, Chinese Economic Reform, …  These movements limited their efforts to mere technological and economic advancement, without committing China to genuine institutional or ideological modernization.  As a slogan for reform, "Chinese for Essence, Western for Practical" sounded painless enough over a century ago.  Ultimately, however, the last emperor of Qing Dynasty paid with his abdication in 1911.  "Socialism with Chinese characteristics" sounded mesmerizing to the Chinese ego, for sure.  Nonetheless, history will prove that the narrow focus on economic development before and after the Tiananmen massacre of 1989 WILL NOT propel China to a great nation in harmony, let alone fulfil "the Chinese Dream".
 
Since joining the World Trade Organization, China has reaped significant benefits economically and technologically.  The goodwill of other countries in the world expecting China to become a respectable partner is growing thin.  With heightened scrutiny, tension will eventually escalate & destabilize.  Competition will always exist, but only with trust will the global trade and cultural exchange continue to thrive.  Implementation of the 19 changes listed in Charter 08 could be a good start to achieve a common ground.
 
By quashing Charter 08, the communist regime has shown the world it will not even pretend to abide by its own constitution, which was adopted in 1982 after the painful experience of the Cultural Revolution.  For his peaceful advocacy of a century-old Chinese dream for a democratic system of government, Liu Xiaobo was sentenced to eleven years' imprisonment on December 25, 2009.  In custody, Liu was awarded the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize, but the totalitarian regime refused to allow even a representative to collect the Nobel Prize for him before his death.  Other than Carl von Ossietzky under the Nazi dictatorship, Liu was the second laureate ever to have been mistreated so blatantly. Liu was in effect murdered by the Chinese government under international watch on July 13, 2017.  His widow, Liu Xia, is still under house arrest in China now.
 
Some, who believe that history is written by the victors, assume the past can be fabricated by an authoritarian government through control over education, media and propaganda.  We disagree with their assumption.  Technology such as the Internet may in fact empower the people against such control, and allow better sharing of observations and retrieval of records.  Regardless, a failure to respect our history is a failure to learn from our mistakes.  Therefore, we hold all democratic governments -- and all conscientious peoples of our world -- responsible, not only for their actions but for truthful accounts of their actions as well.
 
The truth will prevail.  This has been our conviction since the founding of our organization 29 years ago.  We will continue our fight for human rights and democracy.  We will continue to hold the government of Beijing responsible for the atrocities in 1989, and for all the crimes it has perpetrated since.
 
Our collective memory will not fade.  Neither will the conscience of all peoples around the world.  The ideals of Tiananmen will remain forever with us.
 
Association of Overseas Hong Kong Chinese for Democracy and Human Rights
June 3, 2018

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